Chasing Kony's elusive signature another grand scheme to do nothing for walking-dead masses of Northern Uganda
Key Words: Acholi; Juba Peace Talks; Joseph Kony; LRM/A,; Yoweri Museveni; NRM/A; Genocide; Uganda; Peace; Reconstruction; Development; Programme; PRDP; Acholi Autonomy; Acholi Secession; Just Peace; Northern Uganda; ICC; LRA Indictments.
With a central government in full control of every inch and facets of life of the country, and the local governments fully functional,why must disbanding camps, resettling people to their own land, rehabilitation and reconstruction work rest so perilously on Joseph Kony's illegible signiture on the worthless Juba documents?
We have come to the conclusion, and the full realisation and firm belief that, the latest comedic episode from the Juba Pantomime, is a grand excuse on the part of those in governmnent, position of power and authority, to actually continue not to do anything for and about northern Uganda mass suffering.
Therefore, the time may have come, for Acholi as the principal victim of the war, to really speak independently and with a mind to looking out for its own interest; wanting better for itself, but not always passively waiting for crumbs to be thrown its way. It must begin to think of organising itself and use mass action and political means to stand on its own two feet and chart a more promising future for itself.
Acholi leaders -and I mean those who are leaders, not pretenders-must stop being shunted off to Juba and wherever in search of Joseph Kony, or doing other people's biddings. There is nothing that will come out of Juba any more than it has already transpired on the ground in Acholiland since hot hostilities ended there two years ago.
There is no more violence in northern Uganda. Its leadership ought to get down to civic governance and engage the problems that confront their people now. Let each level of government in Acholi: from sub-counties, Counties, Town Councils, municipalities, district councils, and if necessary, collaboration between and among neighbouring district councils, get down to work within their areas of jurisdiction and respond to the needs and provide the services they are elected, established, and mandated to do.
The camps need to be disbanded and people resettled to their own ancestral lands. Resources need to be scoped and secured to provide for the needs of people, rehabilitate hospitals, dispensaries, schools, and repair roads and bridges. To the best of my knowledge, these things do not have to wait for Joseph Kony's signaiture, or incaceration, or even death for someone to begin acting on them. What is stopping the central government from embarking on massive programmes and work to alleviate suffering in Acholi and put the people back on their feet?
Acholi must stop operating on Yoweri Museveni's agenda and time table of buying time while people's lives and the future of a whole race is further jeopardised. Acholi has the capacity, but lack the will power, to step up and be counted and confront people like Ochora, that they do not have planning authority or mandate for the city or the district. Theirs is only central government oversight, and only on programmes the central government funds. Let us make it clear that, they cannot demand accountability for what they neither generate nor provide.
Perhaps it is because Nobert Mao has provided weak leadership and surrendered the civic, political leadership of Gulu district to Col. Ochora, Brig. Otema Awany, and Richard Todwong, that Ochora can meddle even with the running and planning authority of Gulu Municipality. What power and authority did Col. Ochoro draw on to deploy police to stop the mayor from addressing townspeople, or order the municipality to shelve plans for paving roads within its jurisdictions and their boundaries of Gulu Municipaltiy? Why must paving the road, which is already a safety hazard to motorists, townspeople and a drag on businesses within the municpality, wait until 2010, when the municipaltiy has the resources and the planning authority to do so?
It is all because Ochora would rather the NRM/A government does it, on their own politically motivated time table and with Southern Sudan, rather than Acholi or Gulu Municipality in mind. In doing so, they can hope to push it as some political capital investment to later say that the NRM/A government cares and those like Ochora, Todwong, and other NRM clowns who may want to stand for parliament in 2011, can hope to draw down on it and spend it to endear themselves to the populace.
But if you thought Ochora was alone in meddling where he ought not to, then you are mistaken. How about Norbert Mao, Chairman of the district council, and DP presidential candidate in-waiting-characteristically more mouth than substance and relevance- harping on the issues of nightclubs and disco halls and noise pollution in the municipality? Whoa! What happened to the Municipality, the Mayor, and the Public Health officer, tackling this problem or speaking on it?
Unless I am mistaken, this must ideally be for some municipal bye-law enforces, regulating such businesses and the planning units, zoning, where such businesses can be located and their times of operation, which would be a condition for licencing. However, it is not a district council issue. How does Nobert Mao, a whole Chairman of the district council get to take interest in this, rather than the municipal authorities? Are they this idle even in Gulu District Council? Well, I am sure there are a lot more noble things outside Gulu Municipality that the chairman could have found to yap to the media about, if he was looking for something to do or say in order to show that he is actually doing something.
I guess things must be at a stand-still in Acholiland. Blame it all on Joseph Kony, who has for his own self-interest, rejected to sign on the bogus Juba Peace Agreement. But it has been two years since hostilities ceased in northern Uganda. We do not, and we should not buy the nonsense that without Joseph Kony's signiture, nothing can be done and life must be put on hold. At least, we know that, Gulu, Kitgum, Pader, Lira, Apac, and other northern and eastern towns flourished during the last 23 years when the insurgency was at some of its hottest peaks.
In fact, there is hardly any green, open, public spaces in Gulu or Kitgum. As far as they are concerned, development is mortar and brick. Indicating that, the war did not stop the political and business class, from trading in the aid that were meant for the people in the camps; from swindling NUSAF and NURP I and II funds to build mansions, castles, hotels, commercial properties, and other symbols of conspicuous consumptions in Gulu, Kitgum, Pader, and other places looted money and resources could be concealed and also flaunted.
It was only the people in the camps who were shortchanged. The excuse was insecurity, so no one and no aid could reach them. It was a convenient pretext for political leaders and their cronies to swindle aid from reaching those it was meant for. And now that there is no more war, the golden and holy grail of pretext is Joseph Kony's coveted signature. It is nothing but grand excuse to do nothing about the plight of the people of northern Uganda, knowing that it is difficult, if not impossible and most unlikely, that Kony would sign on the dotted line, given his concerns.
Seriously, Joseph Kony's signature or non-signature on the dotted line of the useless Juba Peace Agreement - which lies infront of me in all its uselessness as I write this-brings nothing of value to the displaced people of northern Uganda than we have already had in the last two years with the cessation of hostilities. If the government has not already poured in significant and massive resources into the problems of northern Uganda two years after active conflict ceased there, there is nothing to convince me that this will change magically with the illegible signature of Joseph Kony legitimising the incomprehensible Juba Peace Agreement and its six agenda items.
What remains in contention, is Kony's personal safety and interests. Now ask yourself, what is an agreement, if by its conclusion, you are still unsure about the things that are most important to you and the motivations for your going to the negotiation table in the first place? Is is a disagreement or an agreement; and if it is an agreement, agreement on what and between who and whom if Joseph Kony, as the principal to the negotiation, does not agree with the areas and terms that most affect his personal self-interest? But the Juba processes and those who harp for his signature, want to deny him the autonomy to make his own decisions on the issues in question.
In our view, neither the Ugandan state nor any peace agreement, can negotiate away Kony's indictment by the ICC. We would in good faith, advise Joseph Kony, to go to the Hague and defend himself....and hoping that he can win. But should he lose, as it may well be, he should prepare himself to serve out his jail terms there. By the same token, we would like to in good faith, tell Joseph Kony that, anyone who tells him there is a way around the ICC issue either through a peace negotiation or the Ugandan state or even a third country of asylum, that person is lying and does not have his best interest at heart.
Barring any UN change of mind, it is best for Joseph Kony, through his lawyers, to give himself up to the ICC in the Hague. We give this advice with the understanding that the people and leaders of northern Uganda, and the global human rights fraternity are committed to equitable justice and will continue to campaign for a special tribunal to be set alongside to complement the ICC process, so that all violators since the beginning of the conflict in 1986, are brought to justice.Those of us from northern Uganda particularly, must never be satisfied with half-measures, until justice is done. We should therefore treat every gain or setbacks, as the beginning, but not ends in themselves.
We do not entertain the ludicruous suggestion that a special division of the Uganda high court could try war crimes and crimes against humanity suspects, including Joseph Kony and other elements of the LRA. It is therefore, silly, for anyone worth their claims to leadership to think and say that we must move forward with the glaring shortcomings of the Juba process and agreement, as well as the unfairness and partiality of the ICC indictments, which gave birth to the impractical and unrealistic Juba framework in the first place. No doubt, we applaud and stand to defend its unintended positive consequence in the cessation of hostilities, and must work against anyone fomenting conflict again in the name of the suffering people of northern Uganda. We do know justice has not been done on their behalf, but that will not come through another war, but impartial international justice.
On the other hand, as existentialists, if Joseph Kony has the capacity and means to stay in the bush with his fighters and live out the ICC indictment, and if that is the kind of life he feels he is now doomed to live, we absolutely have no objections, as a personally and existentially determined options to the injustice of the Hague and calumny of a possible trial in Uganda. In fact, as people who are committed to a just and equitable peace in northern Uganda, and bearing in mind the political, partial, and convenient nature of the ICC indictments of only the LRA for the northern Uganda genocide, we would actually be ambivalent to such a move by the LRA, as long as they do not plan to resume hostilities in northern Uganda, do not harass civilians, and if at all, only confront armed elements of the repressive state and regime of Yoweri Museveni.
It is time for political clarity and clear leadership in Acholi. Joseph Kony does not have the power and authority of the state and government in Uganda; but Yoweri Museveni does. It is nonsensical therefore, to blame the current state of our people-after two years of cessation of hostilities and relative peace and with Kony thousands and thousands of miles away - on the refusal of Joseph Kony to sign the Juba Agreement. If anything, it is the failures of the national and local government leadership in Uganda and Acholi, that the people have been left on their own, as they were for 23 years while the conflict lasted.
Those of us who recognhise this, should no longer keep quiet, while those responsible cling onto the flimsiest of excuses to shield their personal , political, policy and leadership failures to understand and respond to the needs of people in northern and eastern Uganda, especially Acholiland.Or at worst, find a bullet-proof excuse to continue to do nothing significantly for the suffering people of northern and eastern Uganda. Moreover, Kony's sinature is not worth anything for the ordinary people of northern Uganda, except as a big stick for dictator Museveni and his international brotherhood to hold over the head of Joseph Kony to order good behaviour and acquiescence with dictator Museveni's political will and wishes in northern Uganda.
Whatever their excuses, it is time we and the world began to say: dictator Yoweri Museveni Must Go! No political power should be worth, even a single life of even the least of the citizenry, let alone genocide and jeopardising the lives of more than two million people.
With a central government in full control of every inch and facets of life of the country, and the local governments fully functional,why must disbanding camps, resettling people to their own land, rehabilitation and reconstruction work rest so perilously on Joseph Kony's illegible signiture on the worthless Juba documents?
We have come to the conclusion, and the full realisation and firm belief that, the latest comedic episode from the Juba Pantomime, is a grand excuse on the part of those in governmnent, position of power and authority, to actually continue not to do anything for and about northern Uganda mass suffering.
Therefore, the time may have come, for Acholi as the principal victim of the war, to really speak independently and with a mind to looking out for its own interest; wanting better for itself, but not always passively waiting for crumbs to be thrown its way. It must begin to think of organising itself and use mass action and political means to stand on its own two feet and chart a more promising future for itself.
Acholi leaders -and I mean those who are leaders, not pretenders-must stop being shunted off to Juba and wherever in search of Joseph Kony, or doing other people's biddings. There is nothing that will come out of Juba any more than it has already transpired on the ground in Acholiland since hot hostilities ended there two years ago.
There is no more violence in northern Uganda. Its leadership ought to get down to civic governance and engage the problems that confront their people now. Let each level of government in Acholi: from sub-counties, Counties, Town Councils, municipalities, district councils, and if necessary, collaboration between and among neighbouring district councils, get down to work within their areas of jurisdiction and respond to the needs and provide the services they are elected, established, and mandated to do.
The camps need to be disbanded and people resettled to their own ancestral lands. Resources need to be scoped and secured to provide for the needs of people, rehabilitate hospitals, dispensaries, schools, and repair roads and bridges. To the best of my knowledge, these things do not have to wait for Joseph Kony's signaiture, or incaceration, or even death for someone to begin acting on them. What is stopping the central government from embarking on massive programmes and work to alleviate suffering in Acholi and put the people back on their feet?
Acholi must stop operating on Yoweri Museveni's agenda and time table of buying time while people's lives and the future of a whole race is further jeopardised. Acholi has the capacity, but lack the will power, to step up and be counted and confront people like Ochora, that they do not have planning authority or mandate for the city or the district. Theirs is only central government oversight, and only on programmes the central government funds. Let us make it clear that, they cannot demand accountability for what they neither generate nor provide.
Perhaps it is because Nobert Mao has provided weak leadership and surrendered the civic, political leadership of Gulu district to Col. Ochora, Brig. Otema Awany, and Richard Todwong, that Ochora can meddle even with the running and planning authority of Gulu Municipality. What power and authority did Col. Ochoro draw on to deploy police to stop the mayor from addressing townspeople, or order the municipality to shelve plans for paving roads within its jurisdictions and their boundaries of Gulu Municipaltiy? Why must paving the road, which is already a safety hazard to motorists, townspeople and a drag on businesses within the municpality, wait until 2010, when the municipaltiy has the resources and the planning authority to do so?
It is all because Ochora would rather the NRM/A government does it, on their own politically motivated time table and with Southern Sudan, rather than Acholi or Gulu Municipality in mind. In doing so, they can hope to push it as some political capital investment to later say that the NRM/A government cares and those like Ochora, Todwong, and other NRM clowns who may want to stand for parliament in 2011, can hope to draw down on it and spend it to endear themselves to the populace.
But if you thought Ochora was alone in meddling where he ought not to, then you are mistaken. How about Norbert Mao, Chairman of the district council, and DP presidential candidate in-waiting-characteristically more mouth than substance and relevance- harping on the issues of nightclubs and disco halls and noise pollution in the municipality? Whoa! What happened to the Municipality, the Mayor, and the Public Health officer, tackling this problem or speaking on it?
Unless I am mistaken, this must ideally be for some municipal bye-law enforces, regulating such businesses and the planning units, zoning, where such businesses can be located and their times of operation, which would be a condition for licencing. However, it is not a district council issue. How does Nobert Mao, a whole Chairman of the district council get to take interest in this, rather than the municipal authorities? Are they this idle even in Gulu District Council? Well, I am sure there are a lot more noble things outside Gulu Municipality that the chairman could have found to yap to the media about, if he was looking for something to do or say in order to show that he is actually doing something.
I guess things must be at a stand-still in Acholiland. Blame it all on Joseph Kony, who has for his own self-interest, rejected to sign on the bogus Juba Peace Agreement. But it has been two years since hostilities ceased in northern Uganda. We do not, and we should not buy the nonsense that without Joseph Kony's signiture, nothing can be done and life must be put on hold. At least, we know that, Gulu, Kitgum, Pader, Lira, Apac, and other northern and eastern towns flourished during the last 23 years when the insurgency was at some of its hottest peaks.
In fact, there is hardly any green, open, public spaces in Gulu or Kitgum. As far as they are concerned, development is mortar and brick. Indicating that, the war did not stop the political and business class, from trading in the aid that were meant for the people in the camps; from swindling NUSAF and NURP I and II funds to build mansions, castles, hotels, commercial properties, and other symbols of conspicuous consumptions in Gulu, Kitgum, Pader, and other places looted money and resources could be concealed and also flaunted.
It was only the people in the camps who were shortchanged. The excuse was insecurity, so no one and no aid could reach them. It was a convenient pretext for political leaders and their cronies to swindle aid from reaching those it was meant for. And now that there is no more war, the golden and holy grail of pretext is Joseph Kony's coveted signature. It is nothing but grand excuse to do nothing about the plight of the people of northern Uganda, knowing that it is difficult, if not impossible and most unlikely, that Kony would sign on the dotted line, given his concerns.
Seriously, Joseph Kony's signature or non-signature on the dotted line of the useless Juba Peace Agreement - which lies infront of me in all its uselessness as I write this-brings nothing of value to the displaced people of northern Uganda than we have already had in the last two years with the cessation of hostilities. If the government has not already poured in significant and massive resources into the problems of northern Uganda two years after active conflict ceased there, there is nothing to convince me that this will change magically with the illegible signature of Joseph Kony legitimising the incomprehensible Juba Peace Agreement and its six agenda items.
What remains in contention, is Kony's personal safety and interests. Now ask yourself, what is an agreement, if by its conclusion, you are still unsure about the things that are most important to you and the motivations for your going to the negotiation table in the first place? Is is a disagreement or an agreement; and if it is an agreement, agreement on what and between who and whom if Joseph Kony, as the principal to the negotiation, does not agree with the areas and terms that most affect his personal self-interest? But the Juba processes and those who harp for his signature, want to deny him the autonomy to make his own decisions on the issues in question.
In our view, neither the Ugandan state nor any peace agreement, can negotiate away Kony's indictment by the ICC. We would in good faith, advise Joseph Kony, to go to the Hague and defend himself....and hoping that he can win. But should he lose, as it may well be, he should prepare himself to serve out his jail terms there. By the same token, we would like to in good faith, tell Joseph Kony that, anyone who tells him there is a way around the ICC issue either through a peace negotiation or the Ugandan state or even a third country of asylum, that person is lying and does not have his best interest at heart.
Barring any UN change of mind, it is best for Joseph Kony, through his lawyers, to give himself up to the ICC in the Hague. We give this advice with the understanding that the people and leaders of northern Uganda, and the global human rights fraternity are committed to equitable justice and will continue to campaign for a special tribunal to be set alongside to complement the ICC process, so that all violators since the beginning of the conflict in 1986, are brought to justice.Those of us from northern Uganda particularly, must never be satisfied with half-measures, until justice is done. We should therefore treat every gain or setbacks, as the beginning, but not ends in themselves.
We do not entertain the ludicruous suggestion that a special division of the Uganda high court could try war crimes and crimes against humanity suspects, including Joseph Kony and other elements of the LRA. It is therefore, silly, for anyone worth their claims to leadership to think and say that we must move forward with the glaring shortcomings of the Juba process and agreement, as well as the unfairness and partiality of the ICC indictments, which gave birth to the impractical and unrealistic Juba framework in the first place. No doubt, we applaud and stand to defend its unintended positive consequence in the cessation of hostilities, and must work against anyone fomenting conflict again in the name of the suffering people of northern Uganda. We do know justice has not been done on their behalf, but that will not come through another war, but impartial international justice.
On the other hand, as existentialists, if Joseph Kony has the capacity and means to stay in the bush with his fighters and live out the ICC indictment, and if that is the kind of life he feels he is now doomed to live, we absolutely have no objections, as a personally and existentially determined options to the injustice of the Hague and calumny of a possible trial in Uganda. In fact, as people who are committed to a just and equitable peace in northern Uganda, and bearing in mind the political, partial, and convenient nature of the ICC indictments of only the LRA for the northern Uganda genocide, we would actually be ambivalent to such a move by the LRA, as long as they do not plan to resume hostilities in northern Uganda, do not harass civilians, and if at all, only confront armed elements of the repressive state and regime of Yoweri Museveni.
It is time for political clarity and clear leadership in Acholi. Joseph Kony does not have the power and authority of the state and government in Uganda; but Yoweri Museveni does. It is nonsensical therefore, to blame the current state of our people-after two years of cessation of hostilities and relative peace and with Kony thousands and thousands of miles away - on the refusal of Joseph Kony to sign the Juba Agreement. If anything, it is the failures of the national and local government leadership in Uganda and Acholi, that the people have been left on their own, as they were for 23 years while the conflict lasted.
Those of us who recognhise this, should no longer keep quiet, while those responsible cling onto the flimsiest of excuses to shield their personal , political, policy and leadership failures to understand and respond to the needs of people in northern and eastern Uganda, especially Acholiland.Or at worst, find a bullet-proof excuse to continue to do nothing significantly for the suffering people of northern and eastern Uganda. Moreover, Kony's sinature is not worth anything for the ordinary people of northern Uganda, except as a big stick for dictator Museveni and his international brotherhood to hold over the head of Joseph Kony to order good behaviour and acquiescence with dictator Museveni's political will and wishes in northern Uganda.
Whatever their excuses, it is time we and the world began to say: dictator Yoweri Museveni Must Go! No political power should be worth, even a single life of even the least of the citizenry, let alone genocide and jeopardising the lives of more than two million people.
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