Choosing between a flawed peace initiative and ICC Process
If there is a reason for the ICC indictments and investigations into war crimes, crimes against humanity and rights violations in northern Uganda to be dropped or withdrawn, the current Betty Bigombe led and Washington’s Northern Uganda Peace Initiative ( NUPI) managed political and diplomatic posturing as peace talks, is none of it (See Drop ICC Case, NGOs tell govt., the Monitor, March 4, 2005).
First of all, if Yoweri Museveni were serious about finding a political settlement rather than pointless military victory for egotistical and megalomaniac reasons, a comprehensive and permanent ceasefire should have been declared over the entire northern Uganda. But in this case, limited ceasefires after ceasefires have been declared, each time punctuated with all out onslaught of war and bellicose rhetoric. It is preposterous to think that meaningful negotiations can be carried out with LRA peace negotiators in some secure zone in the bushes of Acholi, while down the road from such a venue, the rank and file for whom they must speak and represent, are under full scale military assault.
Second, the current overtures for peace are completely dishonest, meaningless and motivated by objectives and goals other than to lessen suffering, mitigate the abhorrent humanitarian and human security conditions in northern Uganda and reach a political settlement for a durable, sustainable and just peace and equitable justice. Looking at the preliminary outcomes of the Betty Bigombe and NUPI circus, neither peace nor justice can be projected to result immediately or in the medium and long term. Instead, injustice is being compounded not only with impunity but with further injustice.
It is appalling to note that, the Ugandan government lacks any comprehensive policy strategy to deal with internal displacement and respond to the enormous needs of the IDP population. To date, the 1.6 million people in IDP camps live off handouts from international humanitarian donor and aid agencies. Besides, children whom the Ugandan government failed to protect and were abducted by the LRA, on surrender or capture, are handed over to aid agencies for counseling, rehabilitation and re-integration into civil society. Others are often coerced into joining the UPDF. In all these instances, the government has not offered any restitution to the former abducted children or their families. However, those who abducted, trained and deployed them as insurgents, on capture or surrender, have become instant heroes, complete with body guards, cars, and millions and millions of shillings for them to spend. And as did happen with former UPDA partisans such as Col. Walter Ochora Odoch, Col. Otema Awany, Maj. Okot Wiilit and Lt. Okot Lapolo, these former LRA commanders will soon be deployed with full authority to oppress fellow Acholi. Suddenly, the foxes will be in charge of chickens in Acholi once again, particularly on the eve of a very contentious and watershed political transition.
Third, the Betty Bigombe charade is limited to the UPDF and the LRA. In other words, only men bearing arms have legitimate claims and grievances. Acholi civil population, which has suffered displacement, maiming, killings, abduction, deprivation of the means of livelihood, disenfranchisement and military occupation, have been shut out of the process. Both Betty Bigombe and NUPI officials have arrogated to themselves , the rights and competency to appoint who represents and speaks for Acholi, and have effectively usurped the power, role and legitimacy to define Acholi interests and aspirations. There is no quarrel with the UPDF and the LRA reaching a settlement between themselves as active belligerents. However, it would be a grave mistake to think that, after twenty years of violence and destruction, Acholi civil society, the non-combatant population; the victims of the insurgency and counter-insurgency strategies of the LRA and the Ugandan government, have no independent interests, claims and grievances that must be addressed under the terms of a credible, negotiated peace settlement.
If the Centre for Human Rights Activists, Public Defenders Associations of Uganda, Uganda Prisoners Aid Foundation and Uganda Journalists Safety Committee are serious about peace and justice for northern Uganda, they should be campaigning for the UN Security Council to institute A Special Tribunal for Northern Uganda-to carry out comprehensive investigations of all the parties to the conflict-, Rather than denounce the ICC indictments and investigations as hindrances to a peaceful settlement and justice for northern Uganda. I for one, am opposed to the ICC indictment and investigations, but for entirely different reasons. My opposition to the ICC investigations is not because it interferes with the meaningless Betty Bigombe and NUPI public relations showmanship for the Ugandan dictatorship or that it delays justice for northern Uganda, but rather that the ICC indictments and investigations are too limited, too little too late, and too inadequate to do justice for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by both belligerents since 1986.
Therefore, the way forward is through A Special Tribunal for Northern Uganda. Failing that, any political negotiations must involve the Acholi civil population inside and outside Uganda, as independent interests with legitimate claims and grievances. And any such representation must be self-determined, rather than appointed by Betty Bigombe or NUPI officials. What is required is for Acholi civil society to call an immediate halt to the flawed Betty Bigombe and NUPI initiatives, and demand for a fresh search for an independent mediator with moral authority and international recognition; able to
compel parties to abide by the terms of a settlement and capable of policing, enforcing and punishing violators. Other than that, imposing peace and terms of settlements on unwilling and aggrieved parties; recruiting former abducted children into the army, deploying former LRA commanders to control and direct Acholi local affairs and promoting and rewarding impunity, will only replicate the same past conditions that engendered conflict and political instability in the first place.
First of all, if Yoweri Museveni were serious about finding a political settlement rather than pointless military victory for egotistical and megalomaniac reasons, a comprehensive and permanent ceasefire should have been declared over the entire northern Uganda. But in this case, limited ceasefires after ceasefires have been declared, each time punctuated with all out onslaught of war and bellicose rhetoric. It is preposterous to think that meaningful negotiations can be carried out with LRA peace negotiators in some secure zone in the bushes of Acholi, while down the road from such a venue, the rank and file for whom they must speak and represent, are under full scale military assault.
Second, the current overtures for peace are completely dishonest, meaningless and motivated by objectives and goals other than to lessen suffering, mitigate the abhorrent humanitarian and human security conditions in northern Uganda and reach a political settlement for a durable, sustainable and just peace and equitable justice. Looking at the preliminary outcomes of the Betty Bigombe and NUPI circus, neither peace nor justice can be projected to result immediately or in the medium and long term. Instead, injustice is being compounded not only with impunity but with further injustice.
It is appalling to note that, the Ugandan government lacks any comprehensive policy strategy to deal with internal displacement and respond to the enormous needs of the IDP population. To date, the 1.6 million people in IDP camps live off handouts from international humanitarian donor and aid agencies. Besides, children whom the Ugandan government failed to protect and were abducted by the LRA, on surrender or capture, are handed over to aid agencies for counseling, rehabilitation and re-integration into civil society. Others are often coerced into joining the UPDF. In all these instances, the government has not offered any restitution to the former abducted children or their families. However, those who abducted, trained and deployed them as insurgents, on capture or surrender, have become instant heroes, complete with body guards, cars, and millions and millions of shillings for them to spend. And as did happen with former UPDA partisans such as Col. Walter Ochora Odoch, Col. Otema Awany, Maj. Okot Wiilit and Lt. Okot Lapolo, these former LRA commanders will soon be deployed with full authority to oppress fellow Acholi. Suddenly, the foxes will be in charge of chickens in Acholi once again, particularly on the eve of a very contentious and watershed political transition.
Third, the Betty Bigombe charade is limited to the UPDF and the LRA. In other words, only men bearing arms have legitimate claims and grievances. Acholi civil population, which has suffered displacement, maiming, killings, abduction, deprivation of the means of livelihood, disenfranchisement and military occupation, have been shut out of the process. Both Betty Bigombe and NUPI officials have arrogated to themselves , the rights and competency to appoint who represents and speaks for Acholi, and have effectively usurped the power, role and legitimacy to define Acholi interests and aspirations. There is no quarrel with the UPDF and the LRA reaching a settlement between themselves as active belligerents. However, it would be a grave mistake to think that, after twenty years of violence and destruction, Acholi civil society, the non-combatant population; the victims of the insurgency and counter-insurgency strategies of the LRA and the Ugandan government, have no independent interests, claims and grievances that must be addressed under the terms of a credible, negotiated peace settlement.
If the Centre for Human Rights Activists, Public Defenders Associations of Uganda, Uganda Prisoners Aid Foundation and Uganda Journalists Safety Committee are serious about peace and justice for northern Uganda, they should be campaigning for the UN Security Council to institute A Special Tribunal for Northern Uganda-to carry out comprehensive investigations of all the parties to the conflict-, Rather than denounce the ICC indictments and investigations as hindrances to a peaceful settlement and justice for northern Uganda. I for one, am opposed to the ICC indictment and investigations, but for entirely different reasons. My opposition to the ICC investigations is not because it interferes with the meaningless Betty Bigombe and NUPI public relations showmanship for the Ugandan dictatorship or that it delays justice for northern Uganda, but rather that the ICC indictments and investigations are too limited, too little too late, and too inadequate to do justice for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by both belligerents since 1986.
Therefore, the way forward is through A Special Tribunal for Northern Uganda. Failing that, any political negotiations must involve the Acholi civil population inside and outside Uganda, as independent interests with legitimate claims and grievances. And any such representation must be self-determined, rather than appointed by Betty Bigombe or NUPI officials. What is required is for Acholi civil society to call an immediate halt to the flawed Betty Bigombe and NUPI initiatives, and demand for a fresh search for an independent mediator with moral authority and international recognition; able to
compel parties to abide by the terms of a settlement and capable of policing, enforcing and punishing violators. Other than that, imposing peace and terms of settlements on unwilling and aggrieved parties; recruiting former abducted children into the army, deploying former LRA commanders to control and direct Acholi local affairs and promoting and rewarding impunity, will only replicate the same past conditions that engendered conflict and political instability in the first place.
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